BLF FORGIVES PRESIDENT ZUMA WITH CONDITIONS – JOIN BLF, ITS THE RIGHT TIME! 

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BLF yesterday accepted President Zuma’s apology on “Nkandla” and called on him to do the right thing. It gave clear political direction. Here’s an extract from BLF’s press statement titled “Political Questions Facing The Country” delivered in Yeoville on 2 April 2016: 

“President Zuma has last night took full responsibility for his actions or lack of actions on the Nkandla matter. We welcome this humble move by President Zuma. He has asked to be forgiven. We forgive him and say for us the Nkandla thing should never have detained the nation so long – its a side issue and detracts from the important work of national reconstruction.

Now we want to also ask that President Zuma take his responsibility as leader of the nation seriously. We say to Msholozi stop worrying yourself about what whites think about you. What we want from you is the following:

1. Land return to black people without paying a cent. Stop talking about it, do it!

2. Ask for forgiveness for Marikana, give the victims and their children reparations NOW!

3. Nationalise and socialise the mines and other strategic sectors of the economy!

4. Strenghthen the links with BRICS and make sure its anti imperialist!

5. Declare Free Education for real, don’t listen to Blade Nzimande, he is not interested in helping black students.

6. End the horrible slavery called outsourcing.

7. Free All APLA Soldiers Now! 

We have many more demands, we are not going to wait for you to meet these demands. But if you do decide to meet them, your legacy would not be Nkandla.” 

The crisis of leadership and vision can be solved. We need to develop and implement a national agenda capable of rescuing us from the  real and present danger in which white capital is engineering a regime change so as to ensure nothing changes.

In this context BLF calls on blacks to join, build and support this beautiful revolutionary movement to end white supremacy and install a fully responsive system to black needs. 

Contact Details To Join BLF: 

Black First Land First Mail: blackfirstlandfirst@gmail.com

Yerushka Chetty
National Coordinator
Cell: +27 72 649 7555
admin@blf.org.za

Lwazi Ntombela
Deputy National Coordinator
Cell: +27 82 588 0835
lwazi964@gmail.com

 

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UWC FEES WILL FALL MOVEMENT INTELLIGENCE REPORT PART 1. FREE EDUCATION NOW OR NEVER!

Released on South Africa’s Human Rights Day, 21st March 2016

Introduction

Student protests for free education are no different from service delivery protests that characterises South Africa’s failing state. Free Education is a promise that must be kept, just like free housing, and the return of the land. These are the promises of the ANC that must be kept. A promise is a promise. Students want Free Education as promised by the ANC. People living in shacks want free housing as promised by the ANC. People want land as promised by the ANC. 21 years of democracy should have been enough for the ANC to fulfill these promises. There will be relentless protest action, until all these promises are met; it is inevitable, and evident before our eyes, that these protests will never end until all these promises have been met.

This report is an attempt to document the 2015/16-student rebellion as it unfolded at the University of Western Cape. It is not a mainstream research report, or commentary, nor a journalistic account of what happened on each day of the students’ protest but more of a high-level intelligence report of the UWC Fees Will Fall Movement. The report tells the story from the students’ perspective and glorifies the national Fees Must Fall students’ movement as a timely effort in the history of our democracy, against the backdrop of political contradictions such as corruption that has evidently swayed the attention of former liberation fighters from self-sell service to the people, to self-interests, and luxurious living against the backdrop of appalling poverty levels amongst the majority of black communities in many parts of the country.

This report is a gentle reminder to the ANC government of the power of young people to make progressive change. It is a gentle reminder that “the future belongs to us” (Mzwakhu Mbuli, 1986, The Day Shall Dawn). After reading this report, the ANC government of looters should cease to take for granted the intellect of the Fees Must Fall Movement. Furthermore, this report is a firm statement to erstwhile politicians such as Dr Blade Nzimande, that as young people of this country, we can no longer breathe under the leadership of current politicians who care less about the futures of younger generations, but themselves, cronies, and families. We will forever remain disgusted by wasteful expenditures of our politicians and government officials best manifested in the Zuma administration of looters, sycophants and mafias in bed with the ANC. The looting of state coffers by sycophants is completely unacceptable given the poverty levels in our country. As students we argue that there is enough taxpayers money to fund Free Education. Right wing economists know this very well, but will never admit that Free Education is possible because they stand to benefit from the capitalist system that continues to fail our black communities, the poorest of the poor in townships of the Cape Flats, rural communities, rural towns, urban slums, and former homelands throughout the country. The fact is, our current government is failing to use the state in benefit of the people; instead the state has turned against its own people, through institutionalized violence, especially directed to those who take it to the street in protest for better service delivery. Free Education is service delivery, as this report will show.

This report is divided into 8 chapters as follows:

Chapter 1: “Narrow conceptions of violence: student rebellion lenses” challenges narrow conceptions of violence in the context of emancipatory politics, which strongly condemns ongoing police brutality in South Africa, against the backdrop of human rights enshrined in the constitution of the Republic of South Africa. This chapter shows some images of institutionalized violence which is manifested in police brutality – some of the pictures are extremely gruesome, and have been excluded from this report for ethical reasons, but available on request, and consent of the victims of police brutality.

Chapter 2: “Criminalization of student protest action” connects the struggles of students to popular dissent in the country at large such as the infamous Marikana mineworker strike action for example, and municipal service delivery protests, including the killing of Andries Tatane by the state police in 2011. Andries Tatane will forever be our hero because he openly challenged the government of the ANC, and paid the high price for it, death.

Chapter 3: “Politics of victimization, humiliation and paranoia”, draws the attention of the reader to what seems like authoritarian practices of the South African state in its attempts to dampen popular dissent by targeting key individuals (or so-called ring leaders) or those who appear as key allies to protestors in general, and student protestors in particular.

Chapter 4: “Eviction of students from on-campus residences: The politics of racialised geographies” is an attempt to lay bare the racial underpinnings of the eviction of students from UWC residence in November – December 2015. This chapter takes the reader through some history of racialised socio-spatial engineering of the past racist regimes, and how such narrow thinking has been a painful residue or hangover inherited from apartheid, and how it shaped conceptions against the UWC Fees Will Fall Movement.

Chapter 5: “SASCO, ANC & Politics of independence in the (black) student movement” is an attempt to lay bare the political contradictions of SASCO, and how that student movement has been co-opted by the ANC. We argue that there is no SASCO, but the ANC, and we explain why we strongly believe so.

Chapter 6: “Militarisation of UWC by state and private security forces” uses UWC as a lens to raise questions about the nature of our state, and the nature of our democracy in the age of surveillance of activists by our paranoid state.

Chapter 7: “The politics of containment: Anti-student rebellion negotiations”, takes the reader through the negotiation processes that occurred between UWC Fees Will Fall Movement and UWC Management from November – December 2015. In a nutshell, this chapter argues that such negotiations were merely attempts of containment of the UWC Fees Will Fall Movement by UWC Management.

Chapter 8: Workers’ struggle against outsourcing at UWC: “The beginning of the end”, takes the reader through the efforts of UWC workers’ struggle for the end of outsourcing, which coincided with the 2015/16 student rebellion in that university. This chapter explains how these efforts reached a deadlock when it became apparent that there are strong allegations of (undeclared) self-interest, and collusion (if not corruption) between some members of UWC management and the outsourced companies at UWC. Chapter 8 concludes with a proposal for investigative journalism to probe into these allegations of undeclared conflict of interests and collusion between some UWC personnel in the upper echelons of the university, and outsourced companies which have “shareholding” links implicating some of the most influential political leaders of the ANC, such as Cyril Ramaphosa. Chapter 8 makes it vividly clear that the dynamics that unfolded at the Marikana massacre were invoked at UWC, it terms of very similar political contradictions that are laid bare by this chapter in particular.

Please click link to download full report: Student Rebellion Counter Narrative UWC_Final Draft_ 21 March 2016

LENIN’S WARNING FOR SA TODAY: REVISIONISM VERSUS REVOLUTION!

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We live in a pre-revolutionary moment. A rupture may occur any moment from now, triggered by the flimsiest of triggers. The right wing and political conservatives have moved first – they are fighting for the supremacy of the streets. They are thrown into a vortex of events bigger than themselves but they are only hoping to settle their narrow differences. There is no intention to resolve the national and historical questions.

 

It’s the duty of the revolutionary movement to clarify great questions facing our people in a moment of great confusion during these times of nascent revolutionary development. Our country is rapidly developing into a revolutionary point, we see this from the restlessness of the youth, the unemployed, the workers and students amongst others. People want revolution, but most of the existing political parties want reform. These parties are all united in their loyalty to the capitalist constitutional dispensation which ensures white racism continues. Between the desire for revolution and the refomists solutions offered, a massive confusion has been generated. Here Black First Land First (BLF) draws from the lessons of the Russian revolutionary Lenin to help clarify what is going on and what position to take. Key to this task is to explain the working of “revisionism and opportunism” as brakes on the revolutionary forward march.

 

The treacherous role of the pseudo-left in SA calls for brutal exposure.  While casting itself as left and Marxist, Leninist, Fanonist for that matter the EFF has allied with right-wing forces like the DA.  This is opportunism as Lenin says such revisionism is based on sacrificing, the“primary interests for the real or assumed advantages of the moment”. It must be asked what long term interests are there for blacks and workers in any alliance with parties of capitalism and white supremacy such as the DA?  We have seen already how EFF has shown traits of revisionism when it opposed a revolutionary struggle based on the logic that all white owned land in SA is stolen land and must be returned to the black majority without payment of compensation to the land thieves as a basis for the resolution of the land question and by extension all the other questions relating to the building of society along black centered socialist lines.

 

The pseudo left employs mass mobilization as a spectacle so as to sell the desperation of the people to the highest bidder and thus channel the power of the people on the streets for settlement within the neo liberal framework and in so doing create a democratic façade for an anti black agenda. We must expose the reactionary agenda of the pseudo-left and direct our people to genuine left movements like the BLF. To this end we must arm our people with a radical Black Consciousness Pan Afrikanist critique of these pseudo left movements that will serve as a medium to keep the genuine left on the revolutionary path and to expose the counter revolutionary role of the pseudo left.

 

The vacillations of SA’s left manifesting in EFF moving to the right and occupying a complimentary position to the Democratic Alliance puts a spotlight on the entire conspectus of revolution to reveal all the nooks and crannies created by revisionism and opportunism.

 

Lenin points out in “Marxism and Insurrection” that it was “Marx (who regarded) … insurrection specifically as an art, saying that it must be treated as an art, that you must win the first success and then proceed from success to success, never ceasing the offensive against the enemy, taking advantage of his confusion, etc., etc.?” Furthermore, “(t)o be successful, insurrection must rely not upon conspiracy and not upon a party, but upon the advanced class. That is the first point. Insurrection must rely upon a revolutionary upsurge of the people. That is the second point. Insurrection must rely upon that turning-point in the history of the growing revolution when the activity of the advanced ranks of the people is at its height, and when the vacillations in the ranks of the enemy and in the ranks of the weak, half-hearted and irresolute friends of the revolution are strongest.That is the third point.”

 

SA is clearly not ready for a revolutionary insurrection – so calls by the EFF  for rupture is misleading and a trap to manage the genuine aspirations and anger of blacks for co-option into neo liberalism and neo colonialism. Lenin gives revolutionary counsel in this regard by making a distinction between revisionism and revolution and the role of dissention arising from factionalism  in the ranks of the revolutionary movement.

 

In this regard the approach of revisionism to the strategic objective of the socialist movement is clarified sufficiently by Lenin.  Lenin is castigating Bernstein for droping ideology for convience through his revisionist slogan,“(t)he movement is everything, the ultimate aim is nothing.” Lenin elaborates the elements of this revisionism, “(t)o determine its conduct from case to case, to adapt itself to the events of the day and to the chopping and changing of petty politics, to forget the primary interests of the proletariat and the basic features of the whole capitalist system, of all capitalist evolution, to sacrifice these primary interests for the real or assumed advantages of the moment—such is the policy of revisionism.  And it patently follows from the very nature of this policy that it may assume an infinite variety of forms, and that every more or less “new” question, every more or less unexpected and unforeseen turn of events, even though it change the basic line of development only to an insignificant degree and only for the briefest period, will always inevitably give rise to one variety of revisionism or another”. (see V.I Lenin in “Marxism and Revisionism”).

 

Since there is no real socialism that has taken root in SA  the ideological content of the revisionism that exists in SA is the “revisionism from the right”  that comes from what is described above and draws inter alia from all the vacillations characteristic of the petty bourgeois culture in a revolutionary context.

 

All the great socialist revolutions – the October Russian Revolution, the Chinese Proletarian and Cultural Revolutions, the Cuban Revolution, the Burkanabe’  Revolution and indeed the other revolutions of Latin America and the Caribbean – give testimony to the fact that the petty-bourgeois cultural world-outlook consistently tempers all arenas of anguish in a pre revolutionary situation. This, we have learnt via revolutionary legacy, will be the case right up to achieving revolution. It is wishful thinking and erroneous to suggest that the people could be totally revolutionized before the people themselves go through a revolution.  Lenin again in  “Marxism and Revisionism” elaborates this aspect as follows:

 

“What we now frequently experience only in the domain of ideology, … what now crops up in practice only over individual side issues of the labour movement, as tactical differences with the revisionists and splits on this basis—is bound to be experienced by the working class on an incomparably larger scale when the proletarian revolution will sharpen all disputed issues, will focus all differences on points which are of the most immediate importance in determining the conduct of the masses, and will make it necessary in the heat of the fight to distinguish enemies from friends, and to cast out bad allies in order to deal decisive blows at the enemy.”

 

In a review of “Chapter Four of  “Left Wing”Communism: An Infantile Disorder” Thomas Riggins refers to Lenin’s elaboration of the factionalism within the Party as follows: Lenin speaks of the efforts of the Bolsheviks to combat desention within the ranks of the proletarian movement; desenters operated within the movement and under the guise of working in the best interests of attaining socialism; Lenin refers to the factions within the movement which reflected those who were anti the Bolshevik line and who sided with the reactionary forces; Lenin pointed out that the main enemy was  “opportunism” which was a reactionary political culture that sought to relegate the real interests of the workers to the periphery so as to further temporary policies in order to achieve some gains that benefit the moment but which effectively destroyed the ultimate interests of the workers; there was a clear distinction between “opportunism” and revolutionary “compromise”; those retreats and compromises that were historically necessary were not in furtherance of opportunism – it was instead the attitude that translated as co-option and capitulation into the  bourgeois agenda which had anti working class outcomes that was furthering opportunism; opportunism finds expression in  “Petty Bourgeois Revolutionism” – a kind of admixture of anarchism and pseudo revolutionary rhetoric; Lenin suggested “several fundamental rules” to be employed to differentiate between principled and unprincipled compromises; a compromise involving the promotion of internationalism and the rejection of the“defense of country” (which was effectively in furtherance of the imperialist world war) was cited by Lenin as a principled compromise;  a compromise entailing the support of the revolutionary uprisings of the workers and peasants wherever they arise to destroy the bourgeois and feudal governments was regarded as a further principled compromise by Lenin; to engage in compromise that furthers the “defense of country” in the imperialist world war was opportunism and unprincipled action, and;  forming a coalition with the national bourgeoisie so as to defeat foreign countries and thus become complicit “in imperialist banditry” is opportunism and unprincipled compromise. (See Thomas Riggins in “Lenin on Anarchism and Opportunism”, a review of  “Chapter Four of ‘Left’ Wing Communism An Infantile Disorder”)

 

The BIG question for us in the context of  SA reality is how to adapt Lenin’s views in a pre revolutionary situation and within a context that puts the black liberation project at the core of our national and international efforts so as to bring about the complete destruction of the current Capitalist Imperialist, White Supremacist world order and outlook and replace it with a Black centered Socialist one? A follow up consideration is the role of the revolutionary vanguard movement of the people in each affected country to lead the people to freedom. In SA BLF was conceived for precisely this reason – to lead the people to freedom!

 

ISSUED BY THE NATIONAL COORDINATING COMMITTEE OF THE BLACK FIRST LAND FIRST MOVEMENT

12 February 2016

 

Contact Details

 

Black First Land First Mail:blackfirstlandfirst@gmail.com

 

Zanele Lwana

(National Spokesperson)

Cell: +27 79 486 9087

Mail: zanelelwana@gmail.com

 

Lindsay Maasdorp

(National Spokesperson)

Cell: +27 79 915 2957

Mail: lgmaasdorp@hotmail.com

 

 

LENIN’S WARNING FOR SA TODAY: REVISIONISM VERSUS REVOLUTION

image

We live in a pre-revolutionary moment. A rupture may occur any moment from now, triggered by the flimsiest of triggers. The right wing and political conservatives have moved first – they are fighting for the supremacy of the streets. They are thrown into a vortex of events bigger than themselves but they are only hoping to settle their narrow differences. There is no intention to resolve the national and historical questions.

It’s the duty of the revolutionary movement to clarify great questions facing our people in a moment of great confusion during these times of nascent revolutionary development. Our country is rapidly developing into a revolutionary point, we see this from the restlessness of the youth, the unemployed, the workers and students amongst others. People want revolution, but most of the existing political parties want reform. These parties are all united in their loyalty to the capitalist constitutional dispensation which ensures white racism continues. Between the desire for revolution and the refomists solutions offered, a massive confusion has been generated. Here Black First Land First (BLF) draws from the lessons of the Russian revolutionary Lenin to help clarify what is going on and what position to take. Key to this task is to explain the working of “revisions and opportunism” as brakes on the revolutionary forward march.

The treacherous role of the pseudo-left in SA calls for brutal exposure.  While casting itself as left and Marxist, Leninist, Fanonist for that matter the EFF has allied with right-wing forces like the DA.  This is opportunism as Lenin says such revisionism is based on sacrificing, the “primary interests for the real or assumed advantages of the moment”. It must be asked what long term interest are there for blacks and workers in any alliance with parties of capitalism and white supremacy such as the DA?  We have seen already how EFF has shown traits of revisionism when it opposed a revolutionary struggle based on the logic that all white owned land in SA is stolen land and must be returned to the black majority without payment of compensation to the land thieves as a basis for the resolution of the land question and by extension the resolution of all other questions in theories of building society along black centered socialist lines.

The pseudo left employs mass mobilization as a spectacle so as to sell the desperation of the people to the highest bidder and thus channel the power of the people on the streets for settlement within the neo liberal framework and in so doing create a democratic façade for an anti black agenda. We must expose the reactionary agenda of the pseudo-left and direct our people to genuine left movements like the BLF. To this end we must arm our people with a radical Black Consciousness Pan Afrikanist critique of these pseudo left movements that will serve as a medium to keep the genuine left on the revolutionary path and to expose the counter revolutionary role of the pseudo left.

We must expose the reactionary agenda  of the pseudo-left and direct our people to genuine left movements like the BLF. To this end we must arm our people with a radical Black Consciousness Pan Afrikanist critique of these pseudo left movements that will serve as a medium to keep the genuine left on the revolutionary path and to expose the counter revolutionary role of the pseudo left.

The vacillations of SA’s left manifesting in EFF moving to the right and occupying a complimentary position to the Democratic Alliance puts a spotlight on the entire conspectus of revolution to reveal all the nooks and crannies created by revisionism and opportunism.

Lenin points out in “Marxism and Insurrection” that it was “Marx (who regarded) … insurrection specifically as an art, saying that it must be treated as an art, that you must win the first success and then proceed from success to success, never ceasing the offensive against the enemy, taking advantage of his confusion, etc., etc.?” Furthermore, “(t)o be successful, insurrection must rely not upon conspiracy and not upon a party, but upon the advanced class. That is the first point. Insurrection must rely upon a revolutionary upsurge of the people. That is the second point. Insurrection must rely upon that turning-point in the history of the growing revolution when the activity of the advanced ranks of the people is at its height, and when the vacillations in the ranks of the enemy and in the ranks of the weak, half-hearted and irresolute friends of the revolution are strongest.That is the third point.”

SA is clearly not ready for a revolutionary insurrection – so calls by the EFF  for rupture is misleading and a trap to manage the genuine aspirations and anger of blacks for co-option into neo liberalism and neo colonialism. Lenin gives revolutionary counsel in this regard by making a distinction between revisionism and revolution and the role of dissention arising from factionalism  in the ranks of the revolutionary movement.

In this regard the approach of revisionism to the strategic objective of the socialist movement is clarified sufficiently by Lenin.  Lenin is castigating Bernstein for droping ideology for convience through his revisionist slogan,   “(t)he movement is everything, the ultimate aim is nothing.” Lenin elaborates the elements of this revisionism, “(t)o determine its conduct from case to case, to adapt itself to the events of the day and to the chopping and changing of petty politics, to forget the primary interests of the proletariat and the basic features of the whole capitalist system, of all capitalist evolution, to sacrifice these primary interests for the real or assumed advantages of the moment—such is the policy of revisionism.  And it patently follows from the very nature of this policy that it may assume an infinite variety of forms, and that every more or less “new” question, every more or less unexpected and unforeseen turn of events, even though it change the basic line of development only to an insignificant degree and only for the briefest period, will always inevitably give rise to one variety of revisionism or another”. (see V.I Lenin in “Marxism and Revisionism”).

Since there is no real socialism that has taken root in SA  the ideological content of the revisionism that exists in SA is the “revisionism from the right”  that comes from what is described above and draws inter alia from all the vacillations characteristic of the petty bourgeois culture in a revolutionary context.

All the great socialist revolutions – the October Russian Revolution, the Chinese Proletarian and Cultural Revolutions, the Cuban Revolution, the Burkanabe’  Revolution and indeed the other revolutions of Latin America and the Caribbean – give testimony to the fact that the petty-bourgeois cultural world-outlook consistently tempers all arenas of anguish in a pre revolutionary situation. This, we have learnt via revolutionary legacy, will be the case right up to achieving revolution. It is wishful thinking and erroneous to suggest that the people could be totally revolutionized before the people themselves go through a revolution.  Lenin again in  “Marxism and Revisionism” elaborates this aspect as follows:

“What we now frequently experience only in the domain of ideology, … what now crops up in practice only over individual side issues of the labour movement, as tactical differences with the revisionists and splits on this basis—is bound to be experienced by the working class on an incomparably larger scale when the proletarian revolution will sharpen all disputed issues, will focus all differences on points which are of the most immediate importance in determining the conduct of the masses, and will make it necessary in the heat of the fight to distinguish enemies from friends, and to cast out bad allies in order to deal decisive blows at the enemy.”

In a review of “Chapter Four of  “Left Wing” Communism: An Infantile Disorder” Thomas Riggins refers to Lenin’s elaboration of the factionalism within the Party as follows: Lenin speaks of the efforts of the Bolsheviks to combat desention within the ranks of the proletarian movement; desenters operated within the movement and under the guise of working in the best interests of attaining socialism; Lenin refers to the factions within the movement which reflected those who were anti the Bolshevik line and who sided with the reactionary forces; Lenin pointed out that the main enemy was  “opportunism” which was a reactionary political culture that sought to relegate the real interests of the workers to the periphery so as to further temporary policies in order to achieve some gains that benefit the moment but which effectively destroyed the ultimate interests of the workers; there was a clear distinction between “opportunism” and revolutionary “compromise”; those retreats and compromises that were historically necessary were not in furtherance of opportunism – it was instead the attitude that translated as co-option and capitulation into the  bourgeois agenda which had anti working class outcomes that was furthering opportunism; opportunism finds expression in  “Petty Bourgeois Revolutionism” – a kind of admixture of anarchism and pseudo revolutionary rhetoric; Lenin suggested “several fundamental rules” to be employed to differentiate between principled and unprincipled compromises; a compromise involving the promotion of internationalism and the rejection of the “defense of country” (which was effectively in furtherance of the imperialist world war) was cited by Lenin as a principled compromise;  a compromise entailing the support of the revolutionary uprisings of the workers and peasants wherever they arise to destroy the bourgeois and feudal governments was regarded as a further principled compromise by Lenin; to engage in compromise that furthers the “defense of country” in the imperialist world war was opportunism and unprincipled action, and;  forming a coalition with the national bourgeoisie so as to defeat foreign countries and thus become complicit “in imperialist banditry” is opportunism and unprincipled compromise. (See Thomas Riggins in “Lenin on Anarchism and Opportunism”, a review of  “Chapter Four of ‘Left’ Wing Communism An Infantile Disorder”)

The BIG question for us in the context of  SA reality is how to adapt Lenin’s views in a pre revolutionary situation and within a context that puts the black liberation project at the core of our national and international efforts so as to bring about the complete destruction of the current Capitalist Imperialist, White Supremacist world order and outlook and replace it with a Black centered Socialist one? A follow up consideration is the role of the revolutionary vanguard movement of the people in each affected country to lead the people to freedom. In SA BLF was conceived for precisely this reason – to lead the people to freedom!

ISSUED BY THE NATIONAL COORDINATING COMMITTEE OF THE BLACK FIRST LAND FIRST MOVEMENT
12 February 2016

Contact Details

Black First Land First Mail: blackfirstlandfirst@gmail.com

Zanele Lwana
(National Spokesperson)
Cell: +27 79 486 9087
Mail: zanelelwana@gmail.com

Lindsay Maasdorp
(National Spokesperson)
Cell: +27 79 915 2957
Mail: lgmaasdorp@hotmail.com

BLF REMEMBERS ONKGOPOTSE ABRAM TIRO – TRUE MARTYR OF THE AZANIAN REVOLUTION

 

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Onkgopotse Abram Tiro was born in 1947. He was one of the main leaders instrumental in the creation of the black power movement in South Africa. His legacy serves as an inspiration for the June 16, 1976 Soweto uprisings. To this end he politically groomed Tsietsi Mashinini who later became one of the great leaders of the June 16, 1976 Soweto uprisings. During his historic speech at the 1972 university graduation ceremony Tiro boldly condemned the white supremacist bantu education system as being anti black. He was consequently expelled from university. He then taught black history at a school in Soweto and thus raised the revolutionary consciousness of his students. On this 42nd anniversary of the assassination of Tiro by the apartheid regime via a parcel bomb in Botswana on 1 February 1974 – BLF remembers this true martyr of the Azanian Revolution by reissuing the speech he delivered at the graduation ceremony of University of the North on 29 April 1972.

“Mr. Chancellor, Mr. Vice Chancellor and gentlemen, allow me to start off by borrowing language from our Prime Minister, Mr. Vorster. Addressing the A. S. B [ Afrikaanse Studenteond ] Congress in June last year, Mr Vorster said, “No Black man has landed in trouble for fighting for what is legally his.” Although I don’t know how far true this is, I make this statement my launch pad.

R. D Briensmead, an American lay preacher says, “He who withholds the truth or debars men from motives of its expediency, is either a coward, a criminal or both.” Therefore Mr. Chancellor I will try as much as possible to say nothing else but the truth. And to me “truth” means “practical reality.” Addressing us on the occasion of the formal of the formal opening of this university Mr. [Cedric] Phatudi, a Lebowa territorial authority officer, said that in as much as there is American Education, there had to be Bantu Education. Ladies and gentlemen, I am conscientiously bound to differ with him. In America there is nothing like Negro Education, Red Indian Education, and White American Education. They have American Education common to all Americans. But in South Africa, we have Bantu Education, Indian Education, Coloured Education and European Education. We do not have a system of education common to all South Africans. What is there in European Education which is not good for the African? We want a system of education which is common to all South Africans.

In theory Bantu Education gives our parents a say in our education but in practice the opposite is true. At this University, U. E D [University Education Diploma] students are forced to study Philosophy of Education through the medium of Afrikaans. When we want to know why, we are told that the senate has decided so. Apparently this senate is our parents. Time and again I ask myself: How do Black lecturers contribute to the administration of this University? For if you look at all the committees, they are predominantly White if not completely White. Here and there one finds two or three Africans who, in the opinion of students are White Black men. We have a Students’ Dean without duties. We feel that if it is in any way necessary to have Students’ Dean, we must elect our own Dean. We know people who can represent us.

The Advisory Council is said to be representing our parents. How can it represent them when they have not elected it? These people must of necessity please the man who appointed them. This Council consists of Chiefs who have never been to University. How can they know the needs of students when they have not subjected to the same conditions. Those who have been to University have never studied Bantu Education. What authentic opinion can they express when they don’t know how painful it is to study under a repugnant system of education? I wonder if this Advisory knows that a Black man has been most unceremoniously kicked out of the bookshop. Apparently, this is reserved for Whites. According to this policy, Van Schaiks has no right to run a bookshop here. A White member of the Administration has been given the meat contract to supply the University – a Black University. Those who amorphously support the policy may say that there are no Black people to supply it. My answer to them is: why are they not able to supply the University? What is the cause? Is it not conveniently done that they are not in a position to supply these commodities?

White students are given vacation jobs at this university when there are students who could not get their results due to outstanding fees. Why does the Administration not give these jobs to these students? These White students have 11 universities where they can get vacation jobs. Does the Administration expect me to get a vacation job at the University of Pretoria? Right now, our parents have come all the way from their homes only to be locked outside. We are told that the hall is full. I do not accept the argument that there is no accommodation for them. In 1970, when the Administration wanted to accommodate everybody, a tent was put up and close-circuit television was installed. Front seats are given to people who cannot even cheer us. My father is seated there at the back. My dear people, shall we ever get a fair deal in this land? The land of our fathers. The system is failing. It is failing because even those recommended it strongly, as the only solution to racial problems in South Africa, fail to adhere to the letter and the spirit of the policy. According to the policy we expected Dr. Eiselen to decline Chancellorship in favour of a Black man. My dear parents, these are injustices no normal student can tolerate-no matter who he is and where he comes from.

In the light of what has been said above, the challenge to every Black graduate in this country lies in the fact that the guilt of all wrongful actions in South Africa, restriction without trial, repugnant legislation, expulsions from schools, rests on all those who do not actively dissociate themselves from and work for the eradication of the system breeding such evils. To those who wholeheartedly support the policy of apartheid I say: Do you think that the White minority can willingly commit political suicide by creating numerous states which might turn out to be hostile in the future? We Black graduates, by virtue of our age and academic standing are being called upon to bear greater responsibilities in the liberation of our people. Our so-called leaders have become the bolts of the same machine which is crushing us as a nation. We have to go back to them and educate them. Times are changing and we should change with them. The magic story of human achievement gives irrefutable proof that as soon as nationalism is awakened among the intelligentsia, it becomes the vanguard in the struggle against alien rule. Of what use will be your education is not linked with the entire continent of Africa it is meaningless. Remember that Mrs. Suzman said, “There is one thing which the minister cannot do: He cannot ban ideas from men’s minds.”

In conclusion Mr. Chancellor I say: Let the Lord be praised, for the day shall come, when all shall be free to breathe the air of freedom which is theirs to breathe and when the day shall have come, no man, no matter how many tanks he has, will reverse the course of events.

God Bless you all.”

ISSUED BY THE NATIONAL COORDINATING COMMITTEE OF THE BLACK FIRST LAND FIRST MOVEMENT (BLF NCC)

1 FEBRUARY 2016
Contact Details
Black First Land First Mail: blackfirstlandfirst@­gmail.com

Zanele Lwana
(National Spokesperson)
Cell: +27 79 486 9087
Mail: zanelelwana@gmail.co­m

Lindsay Maasdorp
(National Spokesperson)
Cell: +27 79 915 2957
Mail: lgmaasdorp@hotmail.c­om

THE BLACK FIRST LAND FIRST MOVEMENT ACKNOWLEDGES THE GREAT WORK DONE IN FORMING THE BLF STUDENT MOVEMENT AT UNIVEN

BLF SM ABRV LOGO

The BLF SM has been working hard over the latter part of 2015, including the December period and this contribution toward black liberation has culminated in the launching of the BLF Student Movement at University of Venda (UNIVEN).

While we do not praise fish for swimming, and in the same way we cannot applaud revolutionaries for dedication to revolution; we do recognise that at this time when the distraction of youth seeks to subvert us from black liberation, these cadres have shown commitment to revolutionary duty.

In the spirit of SANKOFA, we remember that it was the principled approach to liberation that saw Steve Biko dedicate his entire life, including his  youth to black liberation. Acknowledging this we call on the BLF SM at UNIVEN to remain principally committed to black liberation and in so doing, they must remind their peers that fundamentally youth struggles are black struggles and therefore black revolution is the duty of every black person.

Free The Mind, Free The Land!

ISSUED BY THE NATIONAL COORDINATING COMMITTEE OF THE BLACK FIRST LAND FIRST MOVEMENT (BLF NCC)
26 JANUARY 2016
Contact Details
Black First Land First Mail: blackfirstlandfirst@­
gmail.com

Black First Land First Student Movement Mail: blfsm@blf.org.za

Zanele Lwana
(National Spokesperson)
Cell: +27 79 486 9087
Mail: zanelelwana@gmail.co­m

Lindsay Maasdorp
(National Spokesperson)
Cell: +27 79 915 2957
Mail: lgmaasdorp@hotmail.c­om

BLF SUPPORTS STUDENTS CONTINUING WITH PROTESTS AND REJECTS BOTH THE SRC MEETING WITH BLADE NZIMANDE AND THE COMMISSION OF INQUIRY INTO HIGHER EDUCATION FUNDING

 

IMG-20160112-WA0008On Thursday 14 January 2016, Minister Blade Nzimande met with the Student Representative Council’s (SRC’s) from across academic institutions nationally in Kempton Park, Johannesburg. This came after President Jacob Zuma almost robotically announced a Commission of Inquiry into Higher Education Funding.

Since the beginning of the student protests for Free Education, historically black universities and the popular #FeesMustFall campaign, students have been clear on what is needed: Free Education. Hence calling a meeting with a select group, SRC’s who have been rejected by the students and therefore have no legitimacy, is opportunistic and seeks to crush a genuine desire that all should be allowed to learn.

It is an obvious and outdated strategy by the anti-black ANC government to setup a commission, which we know only serves to lull those who demand a basic human right into some kind of inactivity. Having a Commission of Inquiry into Higher Education Funding further enforces that education must be commodified for it to be any good, a lie that goes directly against the demand for Free Socialist Black Centred Education.

The neglect of the students and their basic human rights is seen at a number of levels. Since the ANC government became the operators of the anti-black system they have had 22 years to think and strategise, that’s not considering the 100+ years of planning they should have done. It is now time for action.

The meetings by Minister Blade Nzimande with SRC’s ignored the position taken by students, “Nothing About Us, Without Us!” The announcement of this commission undermines the holistic work done by students around education and further ignores the fact that it is impossible to have a decolonised University in a colonised country, hence the demand for Fees Must Fall is equally the demand for Land!

BLF stands with the students, Nothing About Us, Without Us!

BLF rejects the SRC’s as they are part of the ANC government’s anti-black machine operators maintaining a white-supremacist order. BLF further rejects the Commission of Inquiry into Higher Education Funding as a ploy to supress the students, and buy time to safeguard the ANC’s political ambition for the 2016 local elections.

BLF calls on students from across the country to:

1) continue to isolate sell-outs – SRC, PYA, SASCO, Nehawu and any ANC aligned movements

2) shutdown campuses until the demand for Free Socialist Black Centred Education is met

3) occupy anti-black state institutions such as The Union Buildings, Parliament of South Africa as well as Luthuli House

BLF implores all black people to remember that we cannot decolonise a university in a colonised country, and so the call for Free Socialist Black Centred Education is the call for Land.
ISSUED BY THE NATIONAL COORDINATING COMMITTEE OF THE BLACK FIRST LAND FIRST MOVEMENT

15 January 2016

Contact Details

Black First Land First Mail: blackfirstlandfirst@­gmail.com

Zanele Lwana
(National Spokesperson)
Cell: +27 79 486 9087 Mail: zanelelwana@gmail.co­m

Lindsay Maasdorp
(National Spokesperson)
Cell: +27 79 915 2957
Mail: lgmaasdorp@hotmail.c­om