Our country is facing a massive crisis of leadership and vision. There is no national agenda and we are faced with a real and present danger – a dangerous situation of white capital engineering a regime change to ensure nothing changes.

The SA economy has been in permanent recession for the black majority. Those who fear junk status are fearful because they don’t know that 63% of the population which is mainly black is below the poverty datum. The situation of our people is bad as it is, with food inflation set to hit double digit figures in a context where a neo-liberal budget has been hailed by all the political parties in parliament.

In the past few years we have seen an insurgence of militancy and demands for real change. This demand for change culminated last year into the emergence of a radical Pan African Black Consciousness Black Feminist Movement, first led by the Rhodes Must Fall student movement from UCT. The students were asking fundamental questions about the nature of South African Society and the deal struck in 1994, which left things as they were in white hands.

We saw at this time the rise of demands for land expropriation without compensation and mobilising black anger towards white monopoly capital which is in essence the representatives of the white community. There is no monopoly capital apart from white people.  The discourse of white supremacy also gained lots of ground and “white monopoly capital” was increasingly exposed as just one aspect of the white supremacist project that put white people ahead of blacks.

The response of white power to this crisis was to find new agents that could help it divert attention from white capital and the white community as the main contradiction that must be resolved. White capital started inviting organisations that were seen as radical such as the EFF to meetings and close-door conversations. The first of these meetings happened in Stellenbosch early in 2015, where the EFF sold out its land policy and its leaders assured whites that EFF won’t occupy their land but rather that it would only take the land which white people do not want or which is “unsed”, in other words left over land. The land thieves of Stellenbosch were very happy and sighted breath of relief and possible donated some money since it was asked for.

The radical land policy of land expropriation without compensation was sold out and there remains a vacuum on who must take that struggle up. As we know nature doesn’t allow for vacuums – the militants who were about “land first” regrouped and called for the formation of BLACK FIRST LAND FIRST!

But white power was still unsettled. It needed to remove the danger completely in tandem as the people demanded part of the economy. We saw new pilgrimages to London by all the opposition parties – the most significant being in last October with the visit to London by again the EFF which met the representatives of imperialism in a secret meeting under the imperial Chatham House Rule. From there we saw five counter revolutionary developments, namely:

1. The attack on President Mandela (we know that Mandela is not a saint but we don’t attack him to the delight of whites. Whites have used Mandela now they want his legacy erased).

2. The attack on President Mugabe as a violent man.

3. The Denunciation of the Zimbabwean land revolution as illegal and violent.

4. The unification of the opposition parties (we saw the EFF openly declaring its intention to work with the DA – the Sunday times reported on this).

5. To deflect attention away from white monopoly capital and the white community, which owns 80% of the land and 97% of the JSE,  an elaborate clever trick was hatched in London – they called it “state capture” and labored to paint President Zuma and the Guptas as the enemy we must all work against.

The “State Capture” mantra was pumped and drummed by the media so repeatedly that it became the truth.  To assist this lie, that the problem in SA is the Guptas, ANC leaders who were either marginalised or ambitious were raised from the political wilderness dusted and given a new lease of life through sustained claims of “Guptas offered me a ministerial job and I refused!”.

Vytjie Mentor woke up from a five year slumber and remembered that she had been offered a job by the Guptas. While we were still on that one, Mcebisi Jonas was pulled from the sidelines after his mass scandals and corruption claims that included him chowing and misusing monies of the funeral of the late President Mandela. He claimed he too was offered a ministerial job and he refused.

The media presented these characters as the paragons of virtue.  All their sins were forgiven. Zwlinzima Vavi, seeing that political mileage can be gained, also remembered that eight years ago he was in a meeting where some corrupt activities happened which involved the Guptas.

Vavi is a crusader against corruption and a board member of Corruption Watch. He has sat with knowledge of corruption for eight years. How can he be a board member of an organisation that fihgts corruption but not report corruption? BLF has written to the Chairperson of the board of Corruption Watch, Arch Bishop Njongokulu, to take action against Vavi. He needs to be removed form the board if Corruption Watch wishes to maintain any intergrity, otherwise it would be correctly seen as a weapon used to settle political scores and as fitting in the regime change call driven by “state capture” mantra.

Malema and Johann Alliance for regime change.

Johann Rupert, the Mafia King of Stellenbosch, is one of the richest men in South Africa. He has made his fortune from apartheid assisted land dispossessions of black people and business deals. Johann Rupert is one of the business men who stole billons from the Reserve Bank towards the end of apartheid. Evidence for this is contained in the BLF research report, “Preliminary Report on the Apartheid Era Corruption and other Economic Crimes”. The matter was reported to the Public Protector five years ago, known also as the CIEX matter.

Last week Johan Rupert called for President Zuma to be removed, not by elections but any other means. That was a clear call for a coup. We know the two gentlemen have a little difference in the past calling each other names, like “Stellenbosch Mafia” and “irritating mosquito”. There seems to be peace now between the two as they join hands to bring about regime change.

Malema has now openly exposed the alliance between himself and Rupert. In his own words;

“Rupert, your call for Zuma to step down should translate into action and see the closure of business to allow workers, including yourself, to join the march to remove Zuma. it’s time to go to the streets. Let unions join the march. We need combined resources – financial and human – to mobilise the necessary strength to remove Zuma.”

This open endorsement of  Johan Rupert’s campaign to recapture the state raises many questions.

Firstly, what are the common interests between EFF which claims to be Marxist-Leninst-Fanonian and Johan Rupert who is the epitome of white monopoly capital?

Secondly, is Johann Rupert not a land thief? Or, does this not explain why the land struggle has been abandoned and new a friendship established so that Rupert does not have to return land?

Thirdly, Malema is openly begging for money to make a regime change to help Rupert recapture the state – is this in the interests of the black majority?

What is clear from this stated alliance between Malema and Rupert is that EFF doesn’t see white capital as the enemy. It explains why the march to the JSE was such a timid and peaceful house slave-like march to give massa a memorandum.

This explains why after almost six months after the JSE march, there has been no occupation of ABSA, as was threatened!

The Reds are captured!

Perceptive Strike for White capital

The call by Johann Rupert for a coup follows the failed attempt by his agents within the ANC, NEC to remove Zuma as expected by their handlers. Johann Rupert lost it and showed his hand.  Now Malema has also endorsed the programme of  regime change by Rupert and Co.

Johan Rupert and imperialism wants to remove Zuma before the people remove him through a revolutionary process that would ensure the end of white supremacy.

The call for Zuma to go is a calculation to make a pre-emptive strike to ensure a new stooge is put in power to ensure white interests are perpetuated. The favourite candidate right now is Cyril Ramaphosa who has already demonstrated that he can serve the interests of white capital even violently. Ramaphosa is not shy to kill for white capital – the Marikana massacre bears testimony to this.

The call for Zuma to go is because he no longer listens to white capital,  he is looking “East for A family feast”- Russia, India and China. The close relationship with the Guptas is seen by white as a sign of how things are going to be if he is not quickly removed.

If Zuma is not removed he may introduce a bad culture of not taking the calls from London. The Guptas have upset white capital by entering into the mining sector aggressively. We saw how they  bought Swiss owned Optimum coal. This deal is badly reported on and Brian Molefe is not given the credit he deserves as a patriot trying to safeguard national assets within a system that doesn’t permit this. No one knows that Optimum as owned by the Swiss actually tried to bully Eskom to break a deal it already has to try and pocket more money under threats of precipitating  “loadsheding”.

The Guptas Must Go campaign is a campaign of white capital in its new attempt to reclaim their hold on the South African economy.

We wish to warn our people to be careful and not follow the agendas of white people under the pretext of fighting corruption.

We call on our people to reject the counter revolutionary call by the Rupert and Malema alliance. It is not about fighting corruption, it is about fighting for Rupert and white capital.

It’s a diversion from the fact that we want our land back!

We want Rupert and other land thieves know that we are coming to take back the land. As we speak BLF members are organising around Stellenbosch.

Corruption cases against Johann Rupert and  8 bankers.

Last night the leadership of BLF opened criminal cases against 9 capitalists at the Hilbrow police station for contravening the law and acting unlawfully.  The case number is: 39/4/2016

White capital has been contravening the law at will. BLF is going to work hard to stop this.

A big crime happened in our country at the height of the controversy around the firing of Nene as Minister of Finance. Two clear incitements of criminality were committed recently, for which the case was opened.

Firstly,  Johanne Rupert (also known as the Stellebosch Mafia king) who is also the chairman of the Swiss Luxury group Richemont is alleged to have broken Section 4 of the Prevention and Combating of Corruption Activities Act, 2004.  He broke the law and acted in a corrupt fashion when summoned and went into a meeting of the ANC leaders, specifically Cyril Ramaphosa and Trevor Manuel, and instructed them to ensure the firing of Van Rooyen as minister of finance. We know Rupert has interests in the economy, so he wanted a minister who would take care of his interests. The charge is corruption!

We know that Johann Rupert is denying meeting these two gentlemen, Ramaphosa has in turn not denied the meeting but only that there was no discussion of hiring and firing of ministers. We say we know thieves and criminals never admit to their crimes. Let the police do their work and the courts deal with the criminals.

The biggest second crime happened on the night of the 13 December 2015.  The following bankers, some of them of multinational corporations, broke Section 4 of the Prevention and Combating of Corruption Activities Act, 2004 .

1. Barclays Africa Group Chief Executive Officer, Maria Ramos;

2. Goldman Sachs’ South Africa head Colin Coleman;

3.  Investec Bank’s global CEO, Stephen Koseff;

4. Imperial Holdings’ CEO, Mark Lamberti;

5. Sanlam CEO Ian Kirk;

6. Business Leadership South Africa chairperson Bobby Godsell;

7. Toyota Europe CEO Johan van Zyl and

8. First Rand CEO Johan Burger

We are going to follow this matter and see it to the end.

Furthermore, BLF has written to the President to call for a Judicial Commission of Inquiry into the whole saga around the Minster of Finance.

Also BLF has written and engaged some of the parties in parliament to make sure that a complaint on this saga is laid with the Public Protector. We want the focus to be placed also on the white bankers and business who literally fired Van Rooyen and hired Gordhan.

We  note the hypocrisy of saying nothing when whites do it but make big noise when it is said the Guptas are involved.

Constitutional Court Decision on Nkandla – Do we forgive Zuma?

We welcome the decision in sofar as it clarifies the powers of the Public Protector. Let Zuma pay for whatever he has benefited unduly from. However, we note that the CC decision is being abused by the regime change agents directed from London to call for a coup. This must be resisted. The agenda of Johann Rupert must not be smuggled throught the back door under the guise of fighting corruption. Rupert and his ilk are the biggest criminals.

For BLF we are happy that the PP’s decisions are binding. We are however, very disappointed that the PP is quick to investigate black business and politicians but seems totally reluctant to move on white capital.

BLF demands that the PP release her findings on the R26 BILLION stolen by white capital. She promised us a report by the end of 2015 and nothing has happened. The case is now five years old. We believe the PP is planning to leave office without touching the matter. On this case the claim of funds doesn’t hold because it’s a very straight forward case.

BLF shall resume its direct action against the PP, to get the 26 billion. This is money to assist the unemployed youth of our country. We shall be visiting any public talks and engagement she does and demand that she give progress reports on the R26 Billion we know is recoverable.

President Zuma has last night took full responsibility for his actions or lack of actions on the Nkandla matter. We welcome this humble move by President Zuma. He has asked to be forgiven. We forgive him and say for us the Nkandla thing should never have detained the nation so long – its a side issue and detracts from the important work of national reconstruction.

Now we want to also ask that President Zuma take his responsibility as leader of the nation seriously. We say to Msholozi stop worrying yourself about what whites think about you. What we want from you is the following:

1. Land return to black people without paying a cent. Stop talking about it, do it!

2. Ask for forgiveness for Marikana, give the victims and their children reparations NOW!

3. Nationalise and socialise the mines and other strategic sectors of the economy!

4. Strenghthen the links with BRICS and make sure its anti imperialist!

5. Declare Free Education for real, don’t listen to Blade Nzimande, he is not interested in helping black students.

6. End the horrible slavery called outsourcing.

7. Free All APLA Soldiers Now!

We have many more demands, we are not going to wait for you to meet these demands. But if you do decide to meet them, your legacy would not be Nkandla.

BLF endorses people’s struggles:

1. Where is the Mayor of the City of Johannesburg, Parks Tau?  BLF calls on the citizens of the City of Joburg to support the strike by Pic it Up. We must make sure our parents don’t work like slaves keeping our city clean. Lets organise big sit-ins  at the office of the Mayor for speedy resolution of the matter.

2. Cancer Chicken. Our country has now allowed cancer chicken from the USA into our shelves. BLF is organising direct action against all the retailors who are selling poison. This action would be announced soon.

3. Today the people of Xolobeni bury their favourite son, Sikhosiphi Bazooka Rhadebe who was murdred by agents of the Australian mining company MRC. We call for MRC to leave SA!

4. BLF fully supports  the Buy Black Campaign led by Pastor Xola Sikhosana which started yesterday. Its time to support black business activities and to build non capitalist modes of exchanges amongst blacks. Before you buy something ask if it could be sourced from a black business.


We are deligted to announce that BLF shall officially hold its launch conference in May 2016 in Soweto.

Key decisions to be taken at the conference include:

1. Participation or not to participate in the incoming LGE.( the national leadership has made a proposal for contestation).

2. Adoption of the BLACK AGENDA and programme of action.

Andile Mngxitama


Thank you


Yeoville, Joberg

Press Statement




Black First Land First condemns the apartheid tactics employed by white monopoly capital and its agents, the ANC government, to disrupt the struggle for insourcing, free black centered socialist education and a decolonized society. The disappearance of Vusi Oldman Mahlangu, hits at a time when the “End Outsourcing Campaign” has struck at the heart of racist capitalist exploitation within institutions of higher learning.

From the onset of the Fees Must Fall struggle we have seen the ANC government collude with white capital to sabotage the fight for black people’s dignity. This is reminiscent of their scuppering of movements for liberation in the 80s and early 90s, and speaks to the anti-black self-hating nature of the political party and its members.

To date, students and workers have been shot, kidnapped, threatened, teargassed, arrested, imprisoned, suspended, interdicted, expelled, and/or excluded from the university as a direct result of the ANC government’s collusion with white capital as defenders of white-power.

The resilience of the students and workers has been remarkable, and at a time where our resolve is being tested more than ever, we must stand firm. The duty of the youth remains the achievement of free black-centred socialist education, insourcing, land return and black liberation within the context of decolonizing everything by any means necessary.

To this end BLF calls for a NATIONAL SHUTDOWN of all institutions of higher learning, by any means necessary, until the following are achieved:

The unconditional release of Vusi Mahlangu and all else who have been taken, NOW! 

Insourcing of all workers!

A living wage with full institution of higher learning benefits!

Free black centered socialist education!

Unconditional dropping of all charges, interdicts, suspensions, cancellations and expulsions!

Unconditional release of all arrested and detained students!


31 March 2016

Contact Details

Black First Land First Mail: blackfirstlandfirst@gmail.com

Zanele Lwana
(National Spokesperson)
Cell: +27 79 486 9087
Mail: zanelelwana@gmail.com

Lindsay Maasdorp
(National Spokesperson)
Cell: +27 79 915 2957
Mail: lgmaasdorp@hotmail.com


Released on South Africa’s Human Rights Day, 21st March 2016


Student protests for free education are no different from service delivery protests that characterises South Africa’s failing state. Free Education is a promise that must be kept, just like free housing, and the return of the land. These are the promises of the ANC that must be kept. A promise is a promise. Students want Free Education as promised by the ANC. People living in shacks want free housing as promised by the ANC. People want land as promised by the ANC. 21 years of democracy should have been enough for the ANC to fulfill these promises. There will be relentless protest action, until all these promises are met; it is inevitable, and evident before our eyes, that these protests will never end until all these promises have been met.

This report is an attempt to document the 2015/16-student rebellion as it unfolded at the University of Western Cape. It is not a mainstream research report, or commentary, nor a journalistic account of what happened on each day of the students’ protest but more of a high-level intelligence report of the UWC Fees Will Fall Movement. The report tells the story from the students’ perspective and glorifies the national Fees Must Fall students’ movement as a timely effort in the history of our democracy, against the backdrop of political contradictions such as corruption that has evidently swayed the attention of former liberation fighters from self-sell service to the people, to self-interests, and luxurious living against the backdrop of appalling poverty levels amongst the majority of black communities in many parts of the country.

This report is a gentle reminder to the ANC government of the power of young people to make progressive change. It is a gentle reminder that “the future belongs to us” (Mzwakhu Mbuli, 1986, The Day Shall Dawn). After reading this report, the ANC government of looters should cease to take for granted the intellect of the Fees Must Fall Movement. Furthermore, this report is a firm statement to erstwhile politicians such as Dr Blade Nzimande, that as young people of this country, we can no longer breathe under the leadership of current politicians who care less about the futures of younger generations, but themselves, cronies, and families. We will forever remain disgusted by wasteful expenditures of our politicians and government officials best manifested in the Zuma administration of looters, sycophants and mafias in bed with the ANC. The looting of state coffers by sycophants is completely unacceptable given the poverty levels in our country. As students we argue that there is enough taxpayers money to fund Free Education. Right wing economists know this very well, but will never admit that Free Education is possible because they stand to benefit from the capitalist system that continues to fail our black communities, the poorest of the poor in townships of the Cape Flats, rural communities, rural towns, urban slums, and former homelands throughout the country. The fact is, our current government is failing to use the state in benefit of the people; instead the state has turned against its own people, through institutionalized violence, especially directed to those who take it to the street in protest for better service delivery. Free Education is service delivery, as this report will show.

This report is divided into 8 chapters as follows:

Chapter 1: “Narrow conceptions of violence: student rebellion lenses” challenges narrow conceptions of violence in the context of emancipatory politics, which strongly condemns ongoing police brutality in South Africa, against the backdrop of human rights enshrined in the constitution of the Republic of South Africa. This chapter shows some images of institutionalized violence which is manifested in police brutality – some of the pictures are extremely gruesome, and have been excluded from this report for ethical reasons, but available on request, and consent of the victims of police brutality.

Chapter 2: “Criminalization of student protest action” connects the struggles of students to popular dissent in the country at large such as the infamous Marikana mineworker strike action for example, and municipal service delivery protests, including the killing of Andries Tatane by the state police in 2011. Andries Tatane will forever be our hero because he openly challenged the government of the ANC, and paid the high price for it, death.

Chapter 3: “Politics of victimization, humiliation and paranoia”, draws the attention of the reader to what seems like authoritarian practices of the South African state in its attempts to dampen popular dissent by targeting key individuals (or so-called ring leaders) or those who appear as key allies to protestors in general, and student protestors in particular.

Chapter 4: “Eviction of students from on-campus residences: The politics of racialised geographies” is an attempt to lay bare the racial underpinnings of the eviction of students from UWC residence in November – December 2015. This chapter takes the reader through some history of racialised socio-spatial engineering of the past racist regimes, and how such narrow thinking has been a painful residue or hangover inherited from apartheid, and how it shaped conceptions against the UWC Fees Will Fall Movement.

Chapter 5: “SASCO, ANC & Politics of independence in the (black) student movement” is an attempt to lay bare the political contradictions of SASCO, and how that student movement has been co-opted by the ANC. We argue that there is no SASCO, but the ANC, and we explain why we strongly believe so.

Chapter 6: “Militarisation of UWC by state and private security forces” uses UWC as a lens to raise questions about the nature of our state, and the nature of our democracy in the age of surveillance of activists by our paranoid state.

Chapter 7: “The politics of containment: Anti-student rebellion negotiations”, takes the reader through the negotiation processes that occurred between UWC Fees Will Fall Movement and UWC Management from November – December 2015. In a nutshell, this chapter argues that such negotiations were merely attempts of containment of the UWC Fees Will Fall Movement by UWC Management.

Chapter 8: Workers’ struggle against outsourcing at UWC: “The beginning of the end”, takes the reader through the efforts of UWC workers’ struggle for the end of outsourcing, which coincided with the 2015/16 student rebellion in that university. This chapter explains how these efforts reached a deadlock when it became apparent that there are strong allegations of (undeclared) self-interest, and collusion (if not corruption) between some members of UWC management and the outsourced companies at UWC. Chapter 8 concludes with a proposal for investigative journalism to probe into these allegations of undeclared conflict of interests and collusion between some UWC personnel in the upper echelons of the university, and outsourced companies which have “shareholding” links implicating some of the most influential political leaders of the ANC, such as Cyril Ramaphosa. Chapter 8 makes it vividly clear that the dynamics that unfolded at the Marikana massacre were invoked at UWC, it terms of very similar political contradictions that are laid bare by this chapter in particular.

Please click link to download full report: Student Rebellion Counter Narrative UWC_Final Draft_ 21 March 2016



Our movement Black First Land First (BLF) fully supports the students struggle of Tshwane University of Technology (TUT).

The students struggle is just and it’s demands reasonable. For two weeks the students were engaged in peaceful protest for free education and an end to the evil outsourcing process. For two weeks the TUT management responded with repression (bringing armed private security onto campus and suspending student leaders), with divide and rule tactics (getting SASCO to abandon the students and join management just like the homeland leaders under apartheid) and with indifference (non compliance with students demands).

Furthermore, the university has now been unilaterally closed as a mechanism to break the spirit of the students and isolate students leaders. We ask why must students leave campus? Why is management running away from finding solutions?

BLF stands with the students in their refusal to leave campus. We call upon the Vice Chancellor to open dialogue with students without further waste of time.

To the TUT warriors, remember there is no struggle without sacrifices. Keep strong, keep struggling!

Aluta continua


9 March 2016

Contact Details

Black First Land First Mail: blackfirstlandfirst@gmail.com

Zanele Lwana
(National Spokesperson)
Cell: +27 79 486 9087
Mail: zanelelwana@gmail.com

Lindsay Maasdorp
(National Spokesperson)
Cell: +27 79 915 2957
Mail: lgmaasdorp@hotmail.com



Prof Lourens R van Straden

Vice Chancellor

Tshwane University of Technology



Dear Prof van Straden

I write to you mandated by the joint leadership structures of the TUT SRC who are engaged in the struggle for free education and an end to outsourcing in your university. We met last night (Friday, 04 March) up to this morning. We were able to address two mass meetings on Soshanguve campuses of TUT in this period. The leaders of PASMA, SADESMO, EFF and SCO all engaged us with the view of bringing attention to the serious situations students are faced with and the totally unhelpful response from you and the university management. We were shocked to learn that you have suspended the authentic leaders of the students and basically refused to talk to the SRC. We were shocked to learn that you have decided to divide the student leadership by turning SASCO into prefects who represent not the wishes and interests of students, but rather those of management.

Talking to the students and their leaders we have come to the conclusion that an urgent intervention from you by Sunday would assist in averting events which we cannot predict but which are certain to occur from next week Monday. We were met with disappointment, with despair, and above all by the righteous determination of students to get free education by any means necessary. Needless to say we stand with the students one hundred percent because we know that free education is possible. We implore you to also choose the side of the students and stop being an agent of the ANC government which is denying our children education. You still have the opportunity to choose the side of the students and workers. This opportunity shall not always be there. From our assessment there is little room to play any delaying tactics. The application of apartheid repressive measures will not work. It did not work with PW Botha, it will not work with you.

We saw that your campus is a mini war zone. You have private security on army vehicles harassing students as if they are criminals. We received testimonies of generalised terrorism by these private askaris you have brought onto campus.

VC we didn’t send our children to university to be treated like outlaws. You are the parent of those children away from their homes. You are obliged by your position to treat them as you would treat your own children. You have turned the campus into a militarised space where learning or critical engagement is impossible.
VC, things are changing and they are changing fast in our nation. You may not be aware of these seismic shifts until it’s too late. We call upon you to save the situation and do the right thing. Choose the side of history or go down with those who are destined to go into the dustbin of history with the colonial rot. The demands of the students and workers are not impossible to meet. Your own actions in defence of the violent, exclusionary, capitalist, anti-black system has only served to compound the situation.

We call upon you to the meet following with immediate effect:

1. Lift the suspension on all the student leaders;
2. Drop all charges against student leaders;
3. Implement free education, no student who cannot pay should be forced to pay;
4. Implement insourcing without any further delays, with full employee benefits to all workers;
5. Withdraw private security stationed on campus now.

Prof van Staden, we understand it has been two weeks of general peaceful protest. You have responded in a heavy handed manner. You have left students very little option but to escalate their own struggles because like Pharaoh, you have decided to shut your eyes and ears to the cry of the black students. We saw how leaders of the revolutionary student movement were trying to calm the students to give you and your administration one more chance to show leadership. Take this letter as a friendly warning shot. Meet the demands stated above and avert the incoming inferno. The responsibility of free education is not yours or your administrations’ burden. It’s the responsibility of government. You can now choose to march with the students, workers, and broader South African society, or you can choose to march against these revolutionary forces whose time has come. The choice is yours.

I leave you with Matthew 3:11.

I thank you.

Andile Mngxitama

National Convenor of Black First Land First (BLF)



“I wish to thank the Southern African Catholic Bishops’ Conference Parliamentary Liaison Office, for the invitation to contribute to this important debate.

When I was here last year in July, sharing a platform with my brother from Namibia, Job Amupanda of the Affirmative Repossession, we discussed the difficult issue of land occupations. I had then for the first time called for the establishment of a Land First movement in SA.
Im happy to report that in August the same year we published a call officially to start our movement, Black First Land First (BLF).

This Talk is Dedicated to the class of 1976!

I wish to dedicate this talk to the black youth of our country on this 40th year of the 1976, June 16 uprising.

Forty years ago the black youth of this country launched the struggle against white supremacy. Incidentally that struggle was ignited by the language question and white arrogance – the same issues that stalks our university system today.

I want to insist that the university today is the laboratory of decolonisation. It’s the microcosm of what our nation is headed to – just like 1976 was the precursor of the 1980s and finally forcing the apartheid regime to consider a new strategy to holding onto power.

We do well to remember that the struggle led by Tsietsi Mashinini and Khotso Seatlholo was about the establishment of Black Power! 1994 didn’t realize this objective and therefore the black youth today are carrying out this unfinished business. Since we are today talking to an institution of the church, it may be good to learn from the scriptures about what is may be saying about today.

This is important because, what is going on in our campuses is not an intellectual debate, but a concrete, blood, flesh and fire expression of white racism on the one hand and the resistance to it on the other.

Black students want a decolonised anti-racist future. White students and the university adminstrators fight to maintain the status qou. it’s the classical case of two forces meeting.
Black academics are generally caught in a post-colonial disability. They want just enough strife to get into the system. They don’t want the end of the current order and they generally want integration into it. It is not decolonisation but a neo-colonial solution they seek – they want revolution without revolution!

At both UCT and Wits they first aligned with students so that they could get their full professorships. Once they got professorships they then denounced the students as violent.
Up to now there has not been any intellectual defence of the methods of struggle of students by black academics. What we see is going back to the outmoded liberal Blacksash silent protest. Blacks are meeting the apartheid monster through rocks. Whites are involved in silent protest. Black academics condemn the violence of all involved (the oppressed and the oppressor). This objectively puts them on the side of the status qou. This is typical behaviour of the post colonial comprador that Fanon and Cabral spoke about. Fighting the colonialist to take his position, not to end colonialism.

Back to the black students and the holy scriptures. Reading Matthew 3:11 – as a lay man I find lots of prophetic resonance with it but also from my own personal experience with being a black consciousness activist all my adult life (I have been preaching like John about the need for repentance).  Allow me to read the passage John the Baptist preached:

“As for me, I baptize you with water for repentance, but He who is coming after me is mightier than I, and I am not fit to remove His sandals; He will baptize you with the Holy Spirit and fire.”

This passage resonates well with the teaching of Fanon on decolonisation. Fanon tells us that:

“Decolonization, which sets out to change the order of the world, is, obviously, a program of complete disorder”.

These students are doing the work of God. They are fulfilling Fanon’s adage of
“each generation must, out of relative obscurity, discover its mission, fulfill it, or betray it.”

Current State of Affairs: The Return Of Sobukwe and Biko

First lets recognise a positive development, which is that popular opinion is decisively shifting to the perspectives of Pan Africanism (Sobukwe) and Black Consciousness (Biko) on the race question after 22 years of the failure of non-racialism/intergration (Mandela). 

Biko resting on the shoulders of Sobukwe had clearly defined what the main contradiction was in SA and how to resolve this. His Hegelian schema remains relevant: Thesis (White Racism), Anti thesis (Black Solidarity) and the synthesis (non racialism). Which we have over time called anti racism.

You don’t declare yourself non-racialist, you don’t work for non-racialism. Non-racialism as a true reflection of anti-racism is the outcome of the initial dialectical conflict which must be decidedly resolved on the side of the black majority. Biko is instructive:

“One does not need to plan for or actively encourage real integration. Once the various groups within a given community have asserted themselves to the point that mutual respect has to be shown then you have the ingredients for a true and meaningful integration.”

This is the basis of any real solution to the national grievance. The ANC chose integration instead of obliteration. That is why President Zuma can honestly say that racism was ended in 1994. They mistake integration with ending racism.
Let’s now deal with some basic but popular misunderstandings of racism, which have found their way into the current debate of racism:

1. Racism is not a misunderstanding between friends (lets dialogue and forgive)
2. Racism is not just prejudice or bad attitude.
3. Racism is not what individuals think or do ( stop racism, it starts with me)

Racism is about the oppression of black people by white people!

“If a white man wants to lynch me, that’s his problem. If he’s got the power to lynch me, that’s my problem. Racism is not a question of attitude; it’s a question of power.”- Stokely Carmichael.

Penny Sparrow, Chris Hart, the UFS white students are speaking/acting from within power!
This definition is in synch with Biko’s notion hat racism is, “the discrimination of one group by the other for the purposes of oppression”. In historic terms this has been whites discriminating against blacks for the purpose of subjugation.

Its important to recognise that individual acts of racism are made possible by institutional racism, which is foundational to white supremacy. This goes back to slavery, colonialism and land theft!
Slavery created the white as the human and the black as the sub-human. This permits all the possible horrors that can be visited upon the black because the black is just property.
The slavery idiom has not ended. Black lives CAN’T matter in racism. Black rights don’t exist in racist societies. That’s why, Andries Tatane, like Biko, like the the Marikana workers, like black people in the USA can be murdered without anyone being held accountable.

White supremacy has established these truths. In SA the constitution ensures the survival and continuation of White Racism. The laws do so: Gareth Cliff says, Penny has freedom of expression to call us monkeys. His employer couldn’t fire him because the law doesn’t recognise black pain or transgressions against blacks (I say nothing about those black lawyers who have no problem to advance this defence – that anyone has freedom of expression to call blacks monkeys).


Black First Land First (BLF) recognises that part of the solution is to grasp better what racism is and what it’s not – to recognise the foundations of racism which are both slavery, and colonialism (land dispossession and colonial hegemony from the symbolic to the intellectual). There is a need to acknowledge SA as an unethical entity which is fundamentally anti black.
Also we must demand accounting for both colonial and apartheid transgressions (economic and political).More than 560 billion was stolen during the last decade of apartheid and few years into post 1994. Of this amount some R26 billion is recoverable tomorrow (its ok to chase after Nkandla, but can the Public Protector also help us get white monopoly capital to account?)

I call upon the Church, political parties and Society to support the campaign called ANTI RACISM ACTION FORUM (ARAF), and:

1. Demand the arrest of both FW De Klerk and Adrian Vlok (22 charges laid.  370 blacks murdered directly under their guard and still counting.  They didn’t go to the TRC as required so they have no amnesty from prosecution). We are encouraged by the NPA deciding to prosecute the police for the disappearance and murder of Nokuthula Simelane (MK operative).

2. Educate the public about what racism is (especially black people)!

3. Demand the provision of free education for all and the transformation of the curriculum to reflect the Black/African reality. There is this question: can we have a decolonised university in a colonial society? I speak on this topic on Monday at the Stellenbosch University Medical School.

4. ARAF’s principles to defeat racism are:
4.1 Land return as the first pre-condition to end racism.
4.2 Criminalisation of racism is important but must occur under the principle BLACKS CAN’T BE RACIST!

It’s the irony of history that we blacks have to end a problem we didn’t create. It a challenge we have to take on with great energy! An anti racist world is possible!”

Issued By BLF NCC
26 February 2016



Black First Land First (BLF) calls upon president Zuma and the ANC government to unconditionally drop all charges against students. Scores of students are facing multiple charges for their just struggle for free education and the decolonisation of the university. These students are not criminals but warriors who are carrying out the unfinished business started by black students forty years ago during the Soweto students uprising of June 16, 1976.

Today, amongst other students going to court are the “Azania Six”, who are students and supporters of the Rhodes Must Fall movement at UCT. The “Azania Six” includes BLF’s Secretary of Student’s Affairs, Comrade Lindsay Maasdorp. We call on the state to drop all charges against the “Azania Six” and all other students throughout the nation facing charges for their engagement in the revolutionary struggle regarding the decolonization project.

The following demands of the students are just and must be supported by all:

1. Free Quality Black Centered Socialist Education Now!
2. End Outsourcing Now!
3. Pay Workers A Minimum Wage Of Not Less Than R12 500 Now!

BLF stands with the students in this struggle and calls for a national shut down untill free education is declared. Free education is possible! History just needs a revolutionary push!


Tuesday, 23 February 2016

Contact Details

Black First Land First Mail: blackfirstlandfirst@gmail.com

Zanele Lwana
(National Spokesperson)
Cell: +27 79 486 9087
Mail: zanelelwana@gmail.com