“The caged bird sings with a fearful trill,

of things unknown, but longed for still,

and his tune is heard on the distant hill,

for the caged bird sings of freedom.” ― Maya Angelou, I Know Why the Caged Bird Sings


Wopashitwe Mondo Eyen we Langa died in the maximum-security Nebraska State Penitentiary on 11 March 2016  while serving a life sentence for the murder of an Omaha police officer. Right up to his death he remained loyal to the revolutionary perspective of the Black Panthers. Mondo was convicted and imprisoned in the early 1970’s  at the age of 23 as David Rice along with Ed Poindexte for a murder they didn’t commit –  together they were known as the Omaha Two. They were both at the relevant time leaders of the “Omaha’s Panther Chapter” referred to as “the National Committee to Combat Fascism”. We note that the person who confessed to the said murder concluded a deal with the state that resulted in him being released for falsely implicating  Mondo and Poindexter.


While in prison Mondo continued to speak out. His revolutionary offerings has featured in countless literary and other publications including his 1994 compilation,  “A View from Taney’s Place” and his poetry anthology “The Black Panther Is an African Cat”. He also contributed regularly to the “The Omaha Star” and was a columnist for the Lincoln Journal Star newspaper for a brief time.

It is reported that “Great Bateleur” a revolutionary poem by Mondo was featured in “Malcolm X: By Any Means Necessary” by Walter Dean Myers. Also many of Nebraska’s youth theatre groups have performed Mondo’s revolutionary plays. He was a proud  member of the Harambee Afrikan Cultural Organization while in prison.


The finding of the trial court in respect of  the “Omaha Two” was overturned by the Federal District Court. To this end Judge Warren Urbom held that the “Omaha Two” should be acquitted as there was insufficient reason to issue a warrant to search Mondo’s house. Arising from the “search” the state claimed to have found the dynamite that was employed to make the “suitcase bomb” that was used to kill the police officer. However on appeal the Supreme Court upheld both the finding and sentence of the trial court. In this regard the ruling of Judge Urbon was overruled by the Supreme Court.


From 1968 to 1970 the FBI evidently led an onslaught against the Omaha Black Panther Party. In 1974 when the FBI confessed to violating the human rights of hundreds of US  citizens through COINTELPRO (Counter Intelligence Program) the state apologized but did nothing to rectify the situation.


We know that, as with the cases of Mondo and Ed, being black before the justice system under a white supremacist system means you are operating on the principle of  “guilty until proven innocent”. This situation will continue to prevail until white supremacy is completely obliterated!

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As a revolutionary before and during his incarceration Mondo demonstrated an unwavering commitment to the cause of the black revolution. BLF Salutes Mondo for his life’s service to the revolutionary cause and for his contribution to the revolutionary legacy of the Black Panther Party!


Long Live The Revolutionary Spirit Of Wopashitwe Mondo Eyen we Langa!




28 March 2016


Contact Details


Black First Land First Mail:


Zanele Lwana

(National Spokesperson)

Cell: +27 79 486 9087



Lindsay Maasdorp

(National Spokesperson)

Cell: +27 79 915 2957



Released on South Africa’s Human Rights Day, 21st March 2016


Student protests for free education are no different from service delivery protests that characterises South Africa’s failing state. Free Education is a promise that must be kept, just like free housing, and the return of the land. These are the promises of the ANC that must be kept. A promise is a promise. Students want Free Education as promised by the ANC. People living in shacks want free housing as promised by the ANC. People want land as promised by the ANC. 21 years of democracy should have been enough for the ANC to fulfill these promises. There will be relentless protest action, until all these promises are met; it is inevitable, and evident before our eyes, that these protests will never end until all these promises have been met.

This report is an attempt to document the 2015/16-student rebellion as it unfolded at the University of Western Cape. It is not a mainstream research report, or commentary, nor a journalistic account of what happened on each day of the students’ protest but more of a high-level intelligence report of the UWC Fees Will Fall Movement. The report tells the story from the students’ perspective and glorifies the national Fees Must Fall students’ movement as a timely effort in the history of our democracy, against the backdrop of political contradictions such as corruption that has evidently swayed the attention of former liberation fighters from self-sell service to the people, to self-interests, and luxurious living against the backdrop of appalling poverty levels amongst the majority of black communities in many parts of the country.

This report is a gentle reminder to the ANC government of the power of young people to make progressive change. It is a gentle reminder that “the future belongs to us” (Mzwakhu Mbuli, 1986, The Day Shall Dawn). After reading this report, the ANC government of looters should cease to take for granted the intellect of the Fees Must Fall Movement. Furthermore, this report is a firm statement to erstwhile politicians such as Dr Blade Nzimande, that as young people of this country, we can no longer breathe under the leadership of current politicians who care less about the futures of younger generations, but themselves, cronies, and families. We will forever remain disgusted by wasteful expenditures of our politicians and government officials best manifested in the Zuma administration of looters, sycophants and mafias in bed with the ANC. The looting of state coffers by sycophants is completely unacceptable given the poverty levels in our country. As students we argue that there is enough taxpayers money to fund Free Education. Right wing economists know this very well, but will never admit that Free Education is possible because they stand to benefit from the capitalist system that continues to fail our black communities, the poorest of the poor in townships of the Cape Flats, rural communities, rural towns, urban slums, and former homelands throughout the country. The fact is, our current government is failing to use the state in benefit of the people; instead the state has turned against its own people, through institutionalized violence, especially directed to those who take it to the street in protest for better service delivery. Free Education is service delivery, as this report will show.

This report is divided into 8 chapters as follows:

Chapter 1: “Narrow conceptions of violence: student rebellion lenses” challenges narrow conceptions of violence in the context of emancipatory politics, which strongly condemns ongoing police brutality in South Africa, against the backdrop of human rights enshrined in the constitution of the Republic of South Africa. This chapter shows some images of institutionalized violence which is manifested in police brutality – some of the pictures are extremely gruesome, and have been excluded from this report for ethical reasons, but available on request, and consent of the victims of police brutality.

Chapter 2: “Criminalization of student protest action” connects the struggles of students to popular dissent in the country at large such as the infamous Marikana mineworker strike action for example, and municipal service delivery protests, including the killing of Andries Tatane by the state police in 2011. Andries Tatane will forever be our hero because he openly challenged the government of the ANC, and paid the high price for it, death.

Chapter 3: “Politics of victimization, humiliation and paranoia”, draws the attention of the reader to what seems like authoritarian practices of the South African state in its attempts to dampen popular dissent by targeting key individuals (or so-called ring leaders) or those who appear as key allies to protestors in general, and student protestors in particular.

Chapter 4: “Eviction of students from on-campus residences: The politics of racialised geographies” is an attempt to lay bare the racial underpinnings of the eviction of students from UWC residence in November – December 2015. This chapter takes the reader through some history of racialised socio-spatial engineering of the past racist regimes, and how such narrow thinking has been a painful residue or hangover inherited from apartheid, and how it shaped conceptions against the UWC Fees Will Fall Movement.

Chapter 5: “SASCO, ANC & Politics of independence in the (black) student movement” is an attempt to lay bare the political contradictions of SASCO, and how that student movement has been co-opted by the ANC. We argue that there is no SASCO, but the ANC, and we explain why we strongly believe so.

Chapter 6: “Militarisation of UWC by state and private security forces” uses UWC as a lens to raise questions about the nature of our state, and the nature of our democracy in the age of surveillance of activists by our paranoid state.

Chapter 7: “The politics of containment: Anti-student rebellion negotiations”, takes the reader through the negotiation processes that occurred between UWC Fees Will Fall Movement and UWC Management from November – December 2015. In a nutshell, this chapter argues that such negotiations were merely attempts of containment of the UWC Fees Will Fall Movement by UWC Management.

Chapter 8: Workers’ struggle against outsourcing at UWC: “The beginning of the end”, takes the reader through the efforts of UWC workers’ struggle for the end of outsourcing, which coincided with the 2015/16 student rebellion in that university. This chapter explains how these efforts reached a deadlock when it became apparent that there are strong allegations of (undeclared) self-interest, and collusion (if not corruption) between some members of UWC management and the outsourced companies at UWC. Chapter 8 concludes with a proposal for investigative journalism to probe into these allegations of undeclared conflict of interests and collusion between some UWC personnel in the upper echelons of the university, and outsourced companies which have “shareholding” links implicating some of the most influential political leaders of the ANC, such as Cyril Ramaphosa. Chapter 8 makes it vividly clear that the dynamics that unfolded at the Marikana massacre were invoked at UWC, it terms of very similar political contradictions that are laid bare by this chapter in particular.

Please click link to download full report: Student Rebellion Counter Narrative UWC_Final Draft_ 21 March 2016


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BLF welcomes the launch of the Anti-Racism Action Forum (ARAF ). BLF is 100% behind the campaign and calls upon all anti-racist pro-black individuals, organizations, political parties, revolutionary movements, religious institutions and civil society organizations to join ARAF’s call to end racism. Let’s support the campaign and get justice for the atrocities against our people by the apartheid monsters. BLF adds it’s voice and says #arrestDeKlerk, #arrestVLOK!


Wednesday, 3 February 2016

Contact Details

Black First Land First Mail:

Zanele Lwana
(National Spokesperson)
Cell: +27 79 486 9087

Lindsay Maasdorp
(National Spokesperson)
Cell: +27 79 915 2957



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Onkgopotse Abram Tiro was born in 1947. He was one of the main leaders instrumental in the creation of the black power movement in South Africa. His legacy serves as an inspiration for the June 16, 1976 Soweto uprisings. To this end he politically groomed Tsietsi Mashinini who later became one of the great leaders of the June 16, 1976 Soweto uprisings. During his historic speech at the 1972 university graduation ceremony Tiro boldly condemned the white supremacist bantu education system as being anti black. He was consequently expelled from university. He then taught black history at a school in Soweto and thus raised the revolutionary consciousness of his students. On this 42nd anniversary of the assassination of Tiro by the apartheid regime via a parcel bomb in Botswana on 1 February 1974 – BLF remembers this true martyr of the Azanian Revolution by reissuing the speech he delivered at the graduation ceremony of University of the North on 29 April 1972.

“Mr. Chancellor, Mr. Vice Chancellor and gentlemen, allow me to start off by borrowing language from our Prime Minister, Mr. Vorster. Addressing the A. S. B [ Afrikaanse Studenteond ] Congress in June last year, Mr Vorster said, “No Black man has landed in trouble for fighting for what is legally his.” Although I don’t know how far true this is, I make this statement my launch pad.

R. D Briensmead, an American lay preacher says, “He who withholds the truth or debars men from motives of its expediency, is either a coward, a criminal or both.” Therefore Mr. Chancellor I will try as much as possible to say nothing else but the truth. And to me “truth” means “practical reality.” Addressing us on the occasion of the formal of the formal opening of this university Mr. [Cedric] Phatudi, a Lebowa territorial authority officer, said that in as much as there is American Education, there had to be Bantu Education. Ladies and gentlemen, I am conscientiously bound to differ with him. In America there is nothing like Negro Education, Red Indian Education, and White American Education. They have American Education common to all Americans. But in South Africa, we have Bantu Education, Indian Education, Coloured Education and European Education. We do not have a system of education common to all South Africans. What is there in European Education which is not good for the African? We want a system of education which is common to all South Africans.

In theory Bantu Education gives our parents a say in our education but in practice the opposite is true. At this University, U. E D [University Education Diploma] students are forced to study Philosophy of Education through the medium of Afrikaans. When we want to know why, we are told that the senate has decided so. Apparently this senate is our parents. Time and again I ask myself: How do Black lecturers contribute to the administration of this University? For if you look at all the committees, they are predominantly White if not completely White. Here and there one finds two or three Africans who, in the opinion of students are White Black men. We have a Students’ Dean without duties. We feel that if it is in any way necessary to have Students’ Dean, we must elect our own Dean. We know people who can represent us.

The Advisory Council is said to be representing our parents. How can it represent them when they have not elected it? These people must of necessity please the man who appointed them. This Council consists of Chiefs who have never been to University. How can they know the needs of students when they have not subjected to the same conditions. Those who have been to University have never studied Bantu Education. What authentic opinion can they express when they don’t know how painful it is to study under a repugnant system of education? I wonder if this Advisory knows that a Black man has been most unceremoniously kicked out of the bookshop. Apparently, this is reserved for Whites. According to this policy, Van Schaiks has no right to run a bookshop here. A White member of the Administration has been given the meat contract to supply the University – a Black University. Those who amorphously support the policy may say that there are no Black people to supply it. My answer to them is: why are they not able to supply the University? What is the cause? Is it not conveniently done that they are not in a position to supply these commodities?

White students are given vacation jobs at this university when there are students who could not get their results due to outstanding fees. Why does the Administration not give these jobs to these students? These White students have 11 universities where they can get vacation jobs. Does the Administration expect me to get a vacation job at the University of Pretoria? Right now, our parents have come all the way from their homes only to be locked outside. We are told that the hall is full. I do not accept the argument that there is no accommodation for them. In 1970, when the Administration wanted to accommodate everybody, a tent was put up and close-circuit television was installed. Front seats are given to people who cannot even cheer us. My father is seated there at the back. My dear people, shall we ever get a fair deal in this land? The land of our fathers. The system is failing. It is failing because even those recommended it strongly, as the only solution to racial problems in South Africa, fail to adhere to the letter and the spirit of the policy. According to the policy we expected Dr. Eiselen to decline Chancellorship in favour of a Black man. My dear parents, these are injustices no normal student can tolerate-no matter who he is and where he comes from.

In the light of what has been said above, the challenge to every Black graduate in this country lies in the fact that the guilt of all wrongful actions in South Africa, restriction without trial, repugnant legislation, expulsions from schools, rests on all those who do not actively dissociate themselves from and work for the eradication of the system breeding such evils. To those who wholeheartedly support the policy of apartheid I say: Do you think that the White minority can willingly commit political suicide by creating numerous states which might turn out to be hostile in the future? We Black graduates, by virtue of our age and academic standing are being called upon to bear greater responsibilities in the liberation of our people. Our so-called leaders have become the bolts of the same machine which is crushing us as a nation. We have to go back to them and educate them. Times are changing and we should change with them. The magic story of human achievement gives irrefutable proof that as soon as nationalism is awakened among the intelligentsia, it becomes the vanguard in the struggle against alien rule. Of what use will be your education is not linked with the entire continent of Africa it is meaningless. Remember that Mrs. Suzman said, “There is one thing which the minister cannot do: He cannot ban ideas from men’s minds.”

In conclusion Mr. Chancellor I say: Let the Lord be praised, for the day shall come, when all shall be free to breathe the air of freedom which is theirs to breathe and when the day shall have come, no man, no matter how many tanks he has, will reverse the course of events.

God Bless you all.”


Contact Details
Black First Land First Mail: blackfirstlandfirst@­

Zanele Lwana
(National Spokesperson)
Cell: +27 79 486 9087

Lindsay Maasdorp
(National Spokesperson)
Cell: +27 79 915 2957
Mail: lgmaasdorp@hotmail.c­om


 VD DATE 4 final  
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BLF applauds those who continue to play their part in the student struggle for Free Education, recognising the courageous work done in 2015, including the continual planning over what was meant to be a “festive period”. The principled position taken by the #FeesMustFall movement who rejects the idea of “Business as Normal, in an Abnormal Society”, is exemplary and speaks to the desire for black liberation from an anti-black, white-supremacist society.


Unprincipled Unity is No Unity at All! – At the beginning of the #FeesMustFall struggle, BLF warned that an unprincipled unity with ANC via PYA, SASCO and other affiliates is no unity. Later, the #FeesMustFall movement was hijacked by the ANC, where they tried to dilute the radical politics of the movement, which saw it splintering and in need of rebuilding.

Why call unity with ANC aligned organisations unprincipled? Because it is the ANC that makes laws that exclude blacks, it’s ANC laws that legalise outsourcing and it’s the ANC government that killed workers in Marikana.

We call on #FeesMustFall to take a principled Black First position, recognising that the decolonisation project must essentially be rooted in Black Struggle. Furthermore, we warn against the liberalising of the movement, which is a product of unprincipled unity.


We live in a violent state that sees black people as animals. The brutality by police on the UWC, TUT and CPUT students, when these notably black students refused to continue as if the struggle for liberation could simply be postponed, showed us the disdain for black life. Worse still, when these students defended themselves by using anti-black structures to counter institutionalised racism, they were rendered barbaric. We must be clear that violence is the only end toward social change, and to condemn the use of violence for liberation is to be anti-black. Impossible to have a Decolonised Institution in a Colonised Country – All institutions form part of society and has the purpose of serving the ends of society. These colonial institutions of learning thus serve only to promote an anti-black society and to groom black people to be machine operators of an anti-black system that safeguards land theft. We ask, what is education without land? Frantz Fanon says –

“For a colonized people the most essential value, because it’s the most concrete, is first and foremost the land: the land which will bring them bread and, above all, dignity.”


The struggle for Free Socialist Black Centred Education must be rooted in the quest to take back the land.

We must continue to use the program of #FeesMustFall to build principled black unity that prepares us for the liberation of the black majority. We recognise that Black History has deployed us into these anti-black institutions to move the black struggle toward liberation. While participating in an anti-black educational system, our analysis of oppression must assist us in the fight for liberation.

We must continue the struggle to End Outsourcing Now! – we reject the slave wages paid to our parents, the postponement of insourcing, and the continual refusal to allow worker rights. We must continue to demand that our parents earn a Living Wage, enjoy the full benefits at the institutions they work in, and are seen as co-leaders with the students of the institutions they make up. Without students and workers there will be no institution.

We are the institution, we must decide its future!

The Worker and Student Alliance is thus imperative. There is only one black struggle!

We are principally united Black First. The struggle for #FeesMustFall and the struggle to #EndOutourcingNow is a struggle for liberation, and exists in the context of reclaiming the land that was stolen, the land that brings justice!

BLF recognises that the utterances of Chris Hart and Penny Sparrow have far reaching ideological implications for the consolidation of the white power structure to further its anti-black project in all aspects of the black condition including education and most importantly land. To this end –  BLF maintains its demand for the “criminalisation of racism with the provision that blacks can’t be racist” and urges that the rallying call for #FeesMustFall incorporates the complete liquidation of racism.


1) Free Registration – No student should pay for education and all unemployed persons should register to learn
2) Free Education – No student should pay for education, including all human requirements to participate in education (housing, food etc)
3) End Outsourcing Now – In-source all workers, pay living wage with full employee benefits
4) Criminalise racism with provision that “Blacks can’t be racist”
5) Shut down all campus’ nationwide – No campus should be allowed to function if they refuse Free Socialist Black Centred Education and to Insource Workers, paying them a Living Wage, extending full employee benefits and recognising Students and Workers as the highest decision makers.
6) Occupy institutions of governance – Parliament of South Africa, Union Buildings as well as Lethuli House
7) Shutdown SONA – 7pm, Thursday, 11 February 2016




Black First Land First Mail:

Zanele Lwana

Cell: +27 79 486 9087


Lindsay Maasdorp

Cell: +27 79 915 2957



Face book page: Black First Land First

Twitter: @black1stland1st




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We promise the politicians nothing! We demand that they deliver everything! All the political parties have now published their manifestoes; the empty ritual they buy our votes with. We say 17 years of elections without change are enough. Now we make our own manifesto:

We, the people of South Africa, hereby legislate a new law, titled “POLITICIANS AND PUBLIC SERVANTS: USE PUBLIC SERVICES”. This law compels all politicians, from the president to the local councilor, and all public servants, from the Director General to the sweeper and their families to use public utilities: Starting with the following:

  1. Hospitals.
  2. Schools.
  3. Transport.
  4. Housing! (The same standard house given to citizens must be used by all politicians and public servants)
  5. A living wage for all!
  6. Land belong to the people

Our politicians and public servants have neglected public services for far too long because they know they can take their families to the private sector. We say, what’s good for you is good for us. Equality for all, for real!

Our hospitals are falling apart; doctors and nurses are overworked and underpaid. By and large our public hospitals are places of death.  Simply put, no one is safe in our public hospitals. Our leaders, politicians, senior public servants and their families use private hospitals and that is why they don’t care about public hospitals which are used by the poor.

Our public schools are in bad condition, teachers are underpaid and the government is not investing in their training with the result that after 12 years of schooling most children from public schools can’t read, write or count.  This leads to a high unemployment rate amongst the youth who are trapped in hopelessness. Politicians and senior civil servants take their children to private schools.  This explains why public schools are not a priority for them.

Our public transport system is appalling. Every morning and night our people are packed into taxis, buses and trains like sardines. The queues are long and the fares are high. Our leaders, the rich and senior civil servants have big subsidies to get private transport. Some of our ministers can buy cars worth millions with tax payers’ money.

The townships are generally badly serviced. The houses are small and millions are forced to live in shacks. The RDP houses built by our black government are worse than the matchbox houses built during apartheid. Our leaders live in mansions, while the people are forced to live in rat-infested townships.

A living wage, the ANC and DA parties have legislated starvation minimum wages for our people. Farm workers earn a shocking R105 a day. Our government kills workers when they demand a living wage as in Marikana but cabinet ministers and members of parliament give themselves millions in salaries.

Land For 20 years of the ANC has delivered only 8% of land to black. It would take 100s of years to buy back our land.  Why are we buying our land back? We demand that all the land be nationalised without compensation and be equitably redistributed amongst the people.

We hereby commit ourselves to struggle to realize this legislation to hold public representatives and servants accountable to the people!

Together let’s make this law a reality.

This campaign is undertaken in the memory of Andries Tatane who was killed by our government for demanding quality services for all!

Issued by the September National Imbizo (SNI).




MARIKANA 5“as we correctly call Zuma to account (he is the president), and we correctly recall that it was the deputy president of the country and anc who called for action against the striking mine workers. we must remember the face of the whiteman who wrote a 600 pages thick document to try hide a massacre and shield white capital and its agents like Ramaphosa. I ask you to remember the role played by Judge Farlam in this second 600 pages massacre, killing the murdered again. I ask you to imagine Farlam and his assistants with large brushes working the Marikana Koppie whitewashing the blood of our brothers who were murdered for demanding a living wage. we must condemn not just the politicians but also those who labour to make a lie look like the truth. in my view judge Farlam is as violent as the police who took orders to shoot. he is as guilty as Cyril and co if not more.” Andile Mngxitama Face-Book update, 26 June 2015.

It must be stated that the September National Imbizo (SNI) has right from the beginning rejected both the Presidential Commission of Inquiry and the civil society call for its own Commission of Inquiry. As a sharp retort to the BLOODY report of the Presidential Commission of Inquiry SNI maintains its position and to this end re-issues its statement dated 24 August 2012:

“MARIKANA MASSACRE: SNI Rejects Both The Presidential Commission Of Inquiry And The Civil Society Call For Its Own Commission Of Inquiry And Declares September 2012 The Month Of A Living Wage!

We all saw it with our naked eyes. The police opened fire on black people who have been demanding what is fair, just and reasonable: a living wage. Their’s is a legitimate protest against the shocking injustices they have suffered under Lonmin. Two days before the Marikana Massacre the media reported that a pattern of non violence had developed. Workers would emerge in the morning to occupy the mountain and wait for management to come speak to them as promised, and every evening they descended the mountain to travel back home.

We saw it with our eyes. The police opened fired and killed over 30 workers! We have heard how the miners were ambushed; how they were crushed by inyalas; how they had water bombs thrown at them from police helicopters and how the disorientated miners were rounded up and arrested. What more does government and civil society want?

What does Jacob Zuma not know already?

If the ANC, which sent the police to kill blacks does not know what happened, we will tell them. If civil society is also not sure, we will explain to them. If anyone is still lost as to what happened in Marikana, we shall assist with an explanation. What happened is simply this:

MARIKANA 4Workers who have been treated like slaves, who risked their lives every day to enrich Lonmin and ANC leaders, had had enough. They wanted justice and the dignity that comes with a living wage. They made their demands known to all. No one can say they didn’t know the workers’ demands. Lonmin decided to hide behind government, instead of heeding the reasonable demands of the people. Lonmin hid behind labour laws that are approved by Cosatu and NUM, the very labour laws that legalise wage slavery.

According to SA’s labour law it is acceptable to pay a mine worker a monthly salary of R4000! It is acceptable to pay a farm worker R1500 per month! It’s acceptable to exploit and oppress black workers. These laws are made by the ANC alliance which includes the South African Communist Party and Cosatu! They all support wage slavery and then turn around and pretend to fight against it. If the ANC wants to end black suffering, why do they not use their political power to do so?

We also saw that Lonmin management used NUM to divide workers. We saw government come and side with NUM and management against workers. We saw that instead of engaging workers, government brought in a well armed police force and army. They surrounded the workers, shot them from all sides and water bombed them from above with a toxic substance that immobilized them! After the shooting 34 workers were killed by the police under the control of the ANC and instructed by Lonmin.

The September National Imbizo asks, what exactly is it that needs to be probed? What is it that the ANC does not know?

The SNI rejects both the presidential commission of inquiry and the civil society call for its own commission. We recall that after each massacre the apartheid regime instituted a Commission of Inquiry , the function of which was to hide the truth, to police the righteous anger of the people and to break the momentum of revolutionary demands of the people. We say government must pay reparations to the families for their pain, suffering and loss of income. This must be done immediately!

Also the mines must be nationalised and placed under worker control and the dependents of the murdered should get shares in those mines as a priority. Lonmin belongs to the murdered workers! Furthermore, the SNI says: Let all workers, in every sector, get a minimum wage of R12 500. It’s a reasonable demand!

IMG-20150626-WA0032To mourn the murdered workers with dignity and respect, let the workers in all mines embark upon mass strikes for the next month to demand their fair share! It’s a living wage the workers of Marikana were prepared to die for.

It is only a living wage which can bring justice; not commissions of inquiry. We all know what happened. Let’s not pretend otherwise. Out of respect for the memory of the Marikana warriors, let there be justice for workers. Cosatu is part of the problem, so is NUM and the ANC which killed black people to defend white capital.

Let our mourning include building resistance. Let us make September the month of action for a living wage. Let all the mines go on strike. They need us more than we need them!

Viva R12 500!

Issued By September National Imbizo

24 August 2012″

We Are The One’s We Have Been Waiting For


26 June 2015